Why We Fight [AVI - Conspiracy - Sept 11th - 911 - NWO - Illumin

Why We Fight ------------ Is American foreign policy dominated by the idea of military supremacy? Has the military become too important in American life? Jarecki's shrewd and intelligent polemic would seem to give an affirmative answer to each of these questions. He may have been the ultimate icon of 1950s conformity and postwar complacency, but Dwight D. Eisenhower was an iconoclast, visionary, and the Cassandra of the New World Order. Upon departing his presidency, Eisenhower issued a stern, cogent warning about the burgeoning "military industrial complex," foretelling with ominous clarity the state of the world in 2004 with its incestuous entanglement of political, corporate, and Defense Department interests. Reviews: -------- "Doesn't so much explain the military-industrial complex as expose it naked and shivering on the table for all to see." -Mickey Rapkin, GQ "Ambitious... This scary, eye-opening documentary looks back from a post-9/11 vantage point to see how Ike's prophecy has come horribly true, with the collusion of Congress, corporations and the rise of unelected think tanks in determining foreign policy. Why are we in Iraq? Jarecki wants us to look beyond individual villains to a bigger idea: that we've become an empire in the thrall of a system whose economic survival depends on preparing for, and waging, constant war." ?David Ansen, NEWSWEEK "The year is still young but it's hard to imagine we will see another film that is more important, more urgent and more disturbing than WHY WE FIGHT. You owe it to yourself to see this mind-blowing movie on the reasons we go to war. YOU WON'T SOON FORGET IT." -Pete Hammond, MAXIM "Balanced, reasoned, and utterly damning, it deserves to reach as wide an audience as possible." -Ty Burr, THE BOSTON GLOBE "I can't think of a better way to kick off the new movie year than with Eugene Jarecki's potent provocation to see what's right in front of us. Jarecki is not the kind of documentarian to tell us the war in Iraq is a mess. His purpose is to show us how we got there. And he does it the hard way, with nothing up his sleeve but the facts and the human cost of ignoring them. WHY WE FIGHT wants to shake us up, and boy, does it ever... The impact is shattering. You have to hand it to... Jarecki's film ? fluidly edited by Nancy Kennedy ? mounts a strong case against those who would exploit patriotism and human lives as a business proposition... WHY WE FIGHT deserves high praise for making it that much tougher to wear blinders." -Peter Travers, ROLLING STONE Run Time: 98 minutes To Purchase This Video Please Visit: http://www.amazon.com/Why-We-Fight-John-McCain/dp/B000FBH3W2/sr=8-1/qid=1172025956/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1/002-9079492-0333643?ie=UTF8&s=dvd ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Additional information on September 11th, NWO, the Illuminati and the great threat to you can be found at www.infowars.com or www.prisonplanet.com ------------------------------------------------------------------------

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c0nan (2007-02-22)

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fritz fleischer (2007-11-07)

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 lkobescak (2007-11-09)

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 CaptOmerta (2008-06-26)

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 lkobescak (2008-10-19)

Wanted: a new financial order
---------------------------------
The Globe and Mail (Canada)
October 18, 2008 at 12:05 AM EDT
Article DOUG SAUNDERS
BRUSSELS ? A week ago, French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel found themselves strolling together through the cobble-stoned streets of Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, a tiny village in the northeast of France, where they were attending a war-memorial ceremony.
The town is known as a place where French leaders, from the time of Charles de Gaulle, have gone to escape the world and restore their energy. There was much retreating and restoring to be done last Saturday: The previous day, their finance ministers had rushed home early from a Washington crisis meeting after stock markets had crashed dramatically and expensive national schemes to restore the credit system had failed.
None of the patchwork of plans appeared to work and the world economy was threatening to seize up. A few hours earlier, the head of the International Monetary Fund ? a Frenchman ? had declared that the world financial system was "on the brink of systemic meltdown." Both leaders had been on the phone with British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and they had agreed to follow his plan for governments to purchase major stakes in their countries' failing banks, at huge expense. With that done, anything seemed possible.
It was during their stroll, and over lunch afterward, that these two often-feuding leaders arrived at another conclusion: Nothing would be truly fixed, they believed, until there was a new world financial system in place, a new economic watchdog supervising the world's economies.
Enlarge Image
A picture from the U.S. National Archives released by the International Monetary Fund show U.S. Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau welcoming delegates during the opening meeting of the Bretton Woods Conference. (U.S. National Archives/AFP/Getty Images)
That was a view that had been pushed strongly by Mr. Brown, in a memo that he had begun circulating among associates and leaders, and it agreed, on the surface, with something similar to what Mr. Sarkozy had been saying for weeks: That this was an unprecedented global crisis, beyond the scope or powers of any national government.
The next step, they agreed, would have to involve the whole world, and would require rewriting the rulebook of global capitalism.
With that lunch, Europe had reached a consensus, at least superficially, on a solution that had not been attempted in 64 years: a major global meeting that would attempt to redesign the world-finance system. It was an acknowledgment, at a high level, that with the current crisis, the entire postwar economic system may have come to an end. What comes next will be a matter of heated disagreement.
By Tuesday morning, the Americans were on board, at least as far as attending the proposed meeting ? expected to be held in New York shortly after the Nov. 4 presidential election. Prime Minister Stephen Harper, fresh from his re-election, said Friday he also supports holding the meeting. All the G8 industrialized nations have agreed to attend, at least on paper, and it is expected that China, Brazil and India will take part.
While there's no consensus on what the new financial order should be and there are signs of deeply divergent views, these countries appear at least willing to talk about a new international order at a meeting the three European leaders are calling Bretton Woods II, after the 1944 meeting that started it all.
"Merkel became convinced at Colombey that Brown and Sarkozy were correct that the whole postwar system of finance does not work any more, and something new will have to take its place," said a European Union official involved with the talks.
Saturday morning, the Europeans will try to take Washington a step further. Leaving early from the Montreal summit with the Canadian government, Mr. Sarkozy and European Union Commission president José Manuel Barroso will fly to Camp David to sit down with President Ge

 lkobescak (2008-10-19)

profit-making instruments, free from interference.
Until this week, that is, when government and money came crashing back into one another. Suddenly, governments are the major providers of loans, and the major shareholders in banks, and the ability to keep the money flowing is beyond the authority of any one country. The idea that central banks can quietly stick to keeping inflation at bay is gone. Once again, we are aiming for the prevention of catastrophes.
On Monday, Mr. Brown arrived at a meeting of the 15 countries that have the euro as their currency and laid out, behind closed doors, that vague but sweeping set of proposals he would make public two days later.
"We now have global financial markets, global corporations, global financial flows," he told them. "But what we do not have is anything other than national and regional regulation and supervision. We need a global way of supervising our financial system."
The idea became surprisingly popular in Brussels on that day, partly because Mr. Brown's vagueness turned his seven-page plan into something of a Rorschach test on which could be projected each country's economic fantasies. Italian President Silvio Berlusconi talked about a world without the dollar, where the euro might become the reserve currency.
The otherwise conservative Mr. Sarkozy declared in a grandiose speech that "we need to found a new capitalism, based on values that put finance at the service of companies and citizens, and not the reverse." Such lines play very well in France, but are not likely to win any high-fives from Mr. Bush this morning in Washington.
Before a meeting date could even be set, the leaders squabbled over who had invented the idea. Mr. Sarkozy, through his aides, make it known that he had been proposing since Sept. 23 that a new global regulatory system be built.
Mr. Brown, in turn, had his aides point out that in January of 2007 he had argued that international finance regulation was "urgently in need of modernization and reform."
All of this sounded a bit rich to a community that had watched these European leaders, notably Mr. Brown as Britain's finance minister in the late 1990s, participate in a deregulation and neglect of the financial system that had allowed the complex network of mortgage-backed debt instruments to spiral out of control and destroy the debt-burdened banking system.